In This Emergency, Break Any Glass

“A house divided against itself cannot stand.” 

–Abraham Lincoln, June 16, 1858

Something has to give. 

At first, I thought the unrelenting focus on Biden’s debate performance, and not his words or presidency, would wane. There was so much to parse–which is part of the problem–in Trump’s alarming show. If we judge the convicted felon by any standard–his presidential record, his age (at just three years Biden’s junior), and finally, his debate performance, which steadily devolved into half-formed thoughts bloated with egregious lies–it was the real disaster.

But a week has passed and every major outlet remains obsessed with Biden dropping out of the race—given Trump, in the process, more or less gets a free pass. See the onslaught of coverage for the details, but the motivation is perhaps best summarized yet again by excellent parenting advice: Worry about yourself. There’s nothing Democrats, Never Trumpers and everyone between can do to convince Republicans to put country over party. So the media and unnamed and/or external sources are pushing the Democrats to do it. 

At New America, I’ve been optimistically working toward the idea of a self-critical 250th birthday in 2026, but if Trump wins a second term in office, we might not make it. From the moment Trump takes office, the American experiment will be on a steady path to extinction. That’s not based on my wild imagination; I’m basing that dire assertion on his first presidencies and the only policies he’s articulated for his second. The Union cannot thrive in a house divided between MAGA neo-fascists and Democratic pluralistic. 

Biden hasn’t stopped the clamour, and now it’s a roar. So let’s say he’s out of ideas and makes the unlikely decision to, as few people have in presidential history have, step down. How will it unfold? First and foremost, I hope the answer is fast. Democrats have just a few months to ready their candidate to face off against the most famous man in the world. I’ve seen a lot of distracting proposals (ie the 25th Amendment) that will do them no favors. And then David Blight, one of my favorite historians, unfolded his dignified vision in the New Republic: 

In the coming days, President Biden, surrounded by his family, the Obamas, the Clintons, his administration, and of course, Vice President Kamala Harris, hold a news conference. I would cut Bill Clinton, who most people want to fling into the sun, and add the Bush family, as well as recognizable leaders of his administration, including Dick Cheney. In August, Biden announces, he’ll step down at the DNC, which will release his delegates to vote for Harris. In the coming months, they’ll vet vice presidential candidates. 

So far, so good. Democrats can’t replace Harris, and Trump hasn’t even named his VP pick, so she’s at a disadvantage, to be sure, but it’s not a terrifying one. And there are plenty of good options to be found among governors, Congressmen, and beyond. This would demonstrate to the electorate that, Blight writes, “the Democratic Party has a powerful, hopeful, reviving agenda for the nation and the most pluralistic coalition ever assembled.” 

I’m a little worried about the DNC part. As I’ve written, being primaried can greatly weaken a presidential candidate–even if they emerge with enough delegates. Blight presents this without accounting for total chaos at the convention, but perhaps he doesn’t think it’s a real concern. To be fair, I’ve long noticed a curious inconsistency around Harris: When I’m at home in the Hudson Valley, I don’t hear much about her, and what I do is lackluster at best. When I’m in Washington, D.C., I hear nothing but praise—she did an incredible job at this conference in Europe, her staff is now run like a tight ship, and so on. “The country has not seen enough of Kamala Harris,” Bligh acknowledges, but she’s willing, ready, and able. That’s very true, by virtue of her job, which has put her in every room and kept her up to date with every issue. 

Biden’s legacy would fare well in the scenario. “It will still be his convention until the final day,” Blight writes. In that scenario, Biden gets a retirement party people will actually be interested in, and Democrats can capitalize on the publicity by highlighting achievements–which has been one of his greatest failures. He’ll go down as one of the most progressive presidents in American history and, like George Washington, the most admirable. 

But for the love of god, Jon Meacham can go nowhere near Harris’s speech. This isn’t the time for vague historical nostalgia. It would have to rise to the level of Lincoln’s “House Divided” speech, Blight rightly points out, if not transcend it. It must clearly articulate three goals: “defeating MAGA-fascism with a new ethics regime in government; building a NATO-centered foreign policy that will give the world confidence and defeat Putin; and a public agenda for schools, infrastructure, and climate policy.” And of course, the Supreme Court. People must believe that its most egregious decisions can, like the Dred Scott case, be overturned.  

“Authoritarians thrive on demoralization and despair among those who believe in liberal democracy,” Blight reminds us, getting to the most important point: Whoever runs against Trump must be an obvious foil. He’s full of doom and gloom. His challenger must be a ray of sunshine and hope. 

This may be magical thinking, but so is staying the course. Biden needs to, it must be said, shit or get off the pot. If he doesn’t, he’ll be best remembered as the president who lost more than the 2024 election. As with the debate, he’ll receive undue credit–but this time, it’ll be as the man who lost America.